News and Press releases

• According to a survey conducted by the 'Rating' Sociological Group, 55% of respondents believe that only the Russian authorities are to blame for the war against Ukraine. Another 38% place responsibility on both the authorities and the people of the Russian Federation (RF).

• Regarding Belarus, 70% place the blame for the invasion exclusively on the Belarusian authorities, and only 24% on both the authorities and the people of Belarus.

• In a regional breakdown, relatively fewer people in the southern and eastern regions blame both the people and the authorities of Russia for starting the war against Ukraine, placing the blame solely on the RF leadership. As for Belarus, the overwhelming majority across all macro-regions (from 60% in the West to 80% in the East) place the blame for the invasion only on the leadership of that state.

• According to the survey conducted by the Sociological group "Rating" on March 1, 90% of the respondents feel hope when they think about the situation in Ukraine. Only 5% experience disappointment. Compared to the pre-war times, the share of those who feel hope has tripled. The record high level of hope is observed in almost all the regions of Ukraine.

• 88% of the respondents believe that Ukraine will be able to repel Russia's attack. This number is increasing almost daily. Today, only 10% are not confident in this. The belief in Ukraine’s victory prevails in all regions of the country.

• 98% of the respondents support the activities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. 93% support the activities of the President, and 84% support the actions of local mayors.

• 80% of the respondents said they were ready to defend the territorial integrity of Ukraine with weapons in hand. Compared to the pre-war times, this figure has significantly increased (it was 59% in 2020). The highest level of readiness is observed in the West and in the Center, while a slightly lower one, in the South and in the East. But even in the South-Eastern regions, the readiness to fight for the Motherland is extremely high (almost 80% in the South and almost 60% in the East).

• The support for Ukraine's accession to the European Union and NATO is the highest over the history of our surveys: 86% support accession to the EU and 76% support joining NATO. Compared to the pre-war period, the support for EU and NATO accession has increased by more than 20 percentage points. This positive dynamics took place due to the growing support for accession to the Western structures among the population of the South and the East. In terms of age, there is unanimous support for Ukraine's accession to the EU and NATO in all the categories.

• 61% of the respondents believe that Ukraine will become a member of the EU in the nearest future (within 1 or 2 years). 13% believe that our country will become a member of the EU in 5 years, while 6% believe it will happen later. 17% are not sure in their estimates. Only 4% do not believe that Ukraine will become a member of the EU. Compared to last year, the share of those who do not believe in Ukraine's European integration has decreased significantly (it was 26% in November 2021).

• According to a survey conducted by the 'Rating' Sociological Group, 70% of respondents are confident that Ukraine will be able to repel the attack of the Russian occupiers, while 16% are not confident. The level of belief in our own Armed Forces has increased significantly over the past week. No region shows a prevalence of pessimistic sentiments. The highest level of confidence in the Armed Forces is in the West and Center (75-78%). It is relatively lower in the South and East (64-66%).

• 91% of Ukrainians support the actions of President Zelenskyy. 6% do not support them, and 3% were unable to answer. Importantly, support for the actions of the President of Ukraine has tripled since December 2021.

• An extremely high level of support for Zelenskyy is observed in all regions of the country: over 90% in the West and Center, and over 80% in the East and South.

• According to a survey conducted by the 'Rating' Sociological Group on February 11-18, 2022, Volodymyr Zelenskyy leads the confidence rating for politicians: 41% of respondents trust him, while 57% distrust him. Volodymyr Groysman is trusted by 35% and distrusted by 55%. Vitali Klitschko is trusted by 34% and distrusted by 57%. Dmytro Razumkov is trusted by 32%, distrusted by 38%, and 25% are unfamiliar with him. Petro Poroshenko is trusted by 28% and distrusted by 70%. Yulia Tymoshenko is trusted by 26% and distrusted by 72%. Arseniy Yatsenyuk is trusted by 24% and distrusted by 72%. Ihor Smeshko is trusted by 24%, distrusted by 34%, and 37% are unfamiliar with him. Yuriy Boyko is trusted by 22% and distrusted by 62%. Arsen Avakov is trusted by 22% and distrusted by 66%. Oleh Lyashko is trusted by 18% and distrusted by 76%.

• The political party rating is led by the 'Servant of the People' party, which is ready to be supported by 19.6% of those who will vote and have decided on their choice. Following are the 'European Solidarity' party with 17.7%, 'Batkivshchyna' with 11.5%, and 'Opposition Platform – For Life' with 9.5%. The 'Strength and Honor' party is ready to be supported by 7.6%, Razumkov's 'Smart Politics' party by 6.7%, Murayev's 'Nashi' party by 5.4%, the 'Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman' party by 4.8%, the Radical Party by 3.9%, All-Ukrainian Union 'Svoboda' by 3.2%, People's Front (Yatsenyuk, Avakov) by 3.2%, and 'UDAR of Vitali Klitschko' by 3.1%.

• V. Zelenskyy is the leader of the presidential rating, whom 24.6% of those who have decided on their choice and intend to vote are ready to support. P. Poroshenko is supported by 18.0%, Y. Tymoshenko by 9.5%, and Y. Boyko by 8.3%. I. Smeshko is ready to receive 7.5% of the votes, D. Razumkov 6.9%, Y. Murayev 5.9%, V. Groysman 5.3%, O. Lyashko 2.9%, and A. Yatsenyuk 2.2%. The ratings of other candidates do not exceed 2%.

• According to a survey conducted by the 'Rating' Sociological Group on February 16-17, 2022, 19% of respondents assess the probability of a full-scale military invasion of Ukraine by Russia as high, 33% as medium, and 20% as low, while 25% believe there is no threat at all. The number of respondents who see no threat differs significantly by region: from 14% in the West to 42% in the East of the country.

• At the same time, the majority of respondents (64%) are confident that Ukraine will be able to repel the attack if a Russian invasion occurs. One-third are not confident in this. The number of respondents who believe in their own Armed Forces prevails in all regions of the country (relatively higher in the West and Center, relatively lower in the East).

• Thus, over the last few days, the assessment of the threat's probability as high decreased from 28% to 19%. At the same time, citizens' confidence that Ukraine will be able to repel the attack if a Russian invasion occurs increased from 58% to 64%.

• According to a poll conducted by the Rating Sociological Group on 16-17 February 2022, 62% support Ukraine's accession to NATO. Thirty percent have a negative attitude towards this initiative. Over the past two months, support for joining the North Atlantic Alliance has grown (at the end of 2021, 55-58% of respondents supported accession). Since observations began in 2014, this is the highest level of positive perception of Ukraine's integration into NATO.
• Sixty-eight per cent support accession to the European Union, while 24% do not. As with NATO, support for EU accession has grown over the past two months and reached its highest level since surveys began in 2013.
• The idea of Ukraine's integration into Western structures enjoys greater support among respondents in the West and Centre, and less in the South. In the East, the number of supporters of NATO membership is lower than the number of opponents. With regard to the EU, there is a parity between opponents and supporters in the eastern regions. Over the past few years, there have been no significant differences in the assessment of Ukraine's foreign policy vector among age groups. However, in the electoral segments, there is a noticeable predominance of rejection of Ukraine's accession to Western structures among voters of the Opposition Platform – For Life party and Murayev's Our Party. Among voters of other political forces, the overwhelming majority are in favour of Ukraine's accession to both the EU and NATO.
• 55% of respondents believe that Ukraine should withdraw from the Minsk agreements if Russia recognises the so-called DPR and LPR as independent states. 24% are against this, while 21% are undecided. A relative majority of the population, regardless of region of residence and age, supports withdrawal from the Minsk agreements under the conditions mentioned above. Only in electoral terms is there a noticeable difference in the assessment of such a development: a relative majority of respondents who support the Opposition Platform – For Life and Nashi parties are either against withdrawing from the Minsk agreements or are undecided.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Sociological Group, 43% of Ukrainians believe that Ukraine's international policy is moving in the right direction, 46% believe it is moving in the wrong direction, and 11% were unable to answer. At the same time, regarding the situation in the country as a whole, 67% believe that it is moving in the wrong direction, 25% believe it is moving in the right direction, and 7% are undecided.
• Half of Ukrainians are confident that the recent visits of international leaders to Ukraine are beneficial for the country, while a quarter believe that they have no impact. At the same time, only 17% think that such visits are more likely to harm Ukraine.
• About 60% of respondents believe that the US and the UK are defending Ukraine's interests in the Donbas negotiations, while a third believe that these countries have a neutral position.  
• Fifty-five per cent of respondents believe that the OSCE takes a neutral position in the negotiation process, 28% believe that it defends Ukraine's interests, and 5% believe that it defends Russia's interests.  
• 58% of respondents believe that France has a neutral position, 26% believe it defends Ukraine's interests, and 8% believe it defends Russia's interests.  
• 69% of respondents believe that Germany has a neutral position, 13% believe it defends Ukraine's interests, and 13% believe it defends Russia's interests.
• 67% of respondents said they were superficially familiar with the content of the Minsk agreements, and only 12% said they were very familiar with their content. One in five is completely unfamiliar with the content of the agreements, although this figure has fallen over the last four years from 39% to 21%.  
• Most respondents believe that Ukraine should revise the Minsk agreements and sign new ones (63%), and this figure is increasing. Only 11% believe that Ukraine should fulfil all the requirements, while 18% believe that Ukraine should withdraw from the negotiation process altogether.  
• Most Ukrainians surveyed blame Russia for the failure of the Minsk agreements (57%), while 10% blame representatives of the so-called LNR and DNR, and only 12% blame Ukraine. 12% were unable to say who was to blame.
• Volodymyr Zelenskyi currently leads the presidential ranking, with 24.6% support among those who intend to vote and have already made their choice. He is followed by Petro Poroshenko – 16.8%, Yulia Tymoshenko – 9.9%, and Yurii Boiko – 8.3%.
  Yevhen Murayev is supported by 6.9%, Ihor Smeshko – 6.6%, Dmytro Razumkov – 6.2%, Volodymyr Groysman – 5.7%, Oleh Liashko – 3.1%. Support for other candidates does not exceed 3%. Compared to the previous wave, support for Zelenskyi has slightly increased, support for Boiko has somewhat decreased, while support levels for other candidates have remained nearly unchanged.
• Petro Poroshenko continues to top the anti-rating: 43% of respondents would not vote for him under any circumstances.Boiko is rejected by about 36%, Tymoshenko and Zelenskyi — by 33% each, Liashko — 23%, Klychko and Murayev — 20% each, Yatseniuk and Tyahnybok — 15%, Groysman — 13%.
• The Servant of the People party is currently supported by 18.3% of those who intend to vote and have already made their choice, while European Solidarity stands at 17.1%. Batkivshchyna is supported by 10.8%, and the Opposition Platform – For Life receives 9.7%. Razumkov’s “Smart Politics” has 5.9%, Murayev’s “Nashi” holds 5.5%. Prytula’s “24 August” is supported by 5.3%, Strength and Honor by 5.2%, the Radical Party by 4.7%, and Groysman’s Ukrainian Strategy by 4.0%. Sharii’s Party receives 3.4%, while UDAR of Vitalii Klychko and Svoboda each hold 2.8%. Support for all other political forces does not exceed 2%.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group on 21-23 January 2022, 61% support the idea of creating a military-political alliance between Ukraine, Poland and the United Kingdom. 21% have a negative attitude towards this initiative, while 12% are indifferent.
• In regional terms, the idea of creating such an alliance enjoys the greatest support among residents of the western and central regions, as well as Kyiv (support levels ranging from 65% to 76%).  Residents of the southern regions (51% support, 31% do not support) and eastern regions (40% support, 38% do not support) are somewhat less enthusiastic about this initiative.  
• Among supporters of political parties, the most vocal opponents of this initiative are supporters of the Opposition Platform – For Life party (62% do not support), Shariy's party (67% do not support) and Murayev's party (68% do not support). Among voters of other parties, the number of those who support such an initiative significantly outweighs the number of its opponents. The idea of creating a military-political alliance between Ukraine, Poland and the United Kingdom enjoys the greatest support among voters of the European Solidarity, Freedom and Strength and Honour parties (support level over 80%).

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Rating Sociological Group, Chernihiv residents assess the state of affairs at the local level much more positively than at the national level. Only 20% of respondents believe that the country is moving in the right direction, while 71% believe the opposite. As for the city, 80% believe that things are moving in the right direction, while only 13% believe the opposite.
• The vast majority (94%) believe that the situation in the city has improved during Vladislav Atroshenko's tenure as mayor. Only 2% of respondents believe the opposite.  
• Almost 80% are satisfied with the activities of Chernihiv Mayor Vladislav Atroshenko, while 11% are dissatisfied. 70% are satisfied with the activities of the city council, while 18% are dissatisfied.  
• Sixty-five per cent are satisfied with the activities of the city's public utilities, while 34% are dissatisfied. Fifty-six per cent are satisfied with the work of educational institutions, 23% are dissatisfied, and 23% were unable to evaluate them. 52% rated the work of public transport positively, while 36% rated it negatively. 52% rated the work of the police positively, while 33% rated it negatively. 48% rated the work of medical institutions positively, while 45% rated it negatively.
• In the ranking of candidates for mayor, Vladislav Atroshenko is the clear favourite among city residents (83.5% among those who have made up their minds and intend to vote). Other candidates are supported by no more than 4% of respondents.  
• The leader among the parties in the city council elections is the Ridny Dim party (62.1% among those who have made up their minds and intend to vote). The European Solidarity party is supported by 7.7%, the Servant of the People party by 6.3%, the Opposition Platform – For Life party by 5.2%, the Fatherland party by 5.1%, the Radical Party by 4.9%, Our Land – 4.3%. The ratings of other political forces are less than 2%.
• Among local politicians, respondents have the most positive attitude towards Vladislav Atroshenko (88% positive, 11% negative). Oleksandr Lomako is viewed positively by 50%, negatively by 14%, and 28% do not know him. Vyacheslav Chaus is viewed positively by 24%, negatively by 17%, and 44% do not know him. 21% have a positive opinion of Oleksandr Sokolov, 68% have a negative opinion.
• 67% have heard about the searches conducted by law enforcement agencies in the departments of the city council and municipal enterprises of Chernihiv (28% have heard a lot, 39% have heard something). A third know nothing about it. 55% believe that such actions by law enforcement agencies are more likely to be pressure on local authorities, while 32% believe it is a fight against corruption. Among those who are well informed about the searches, two-thirds are convinced that this is pressure on local authorities.
• Almost 80% said that their attitude towards Mayor Vladislav Atroshenko had not changed after the aforementioned actions by law enforcement agencies against municipal enterprises and departments of the Chernihiv City Council. Only 4% of respondents said their attitude had worsened.  
• 42% of city residents are convinced that there is a conflict between President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Mayor Vladyslav Atroshenko. 37% think that there is no conflict. Among those who believe that such a conflict exists, 57% support the mayor and 8% support the president. One-third do not support either of them.

Plans and emotions for the year

• According to the results of the final annual online survey conducted by the Rating Sociological Group, one-third of Ukrainians were able to realise all or most of their plans in 2021. Another half managed to partially realise their plans, and only 13% said that they had not achieved anything.
  Ukrainians assessed this year's success in the same way: for one in three, the year was successful, for half, it was average, and only for one in ten, it was not successful at all.
• Almost 40% of Ukrainians say they are satisfied with their lives, another 30% are somewhat satisfied, about 20% are not very satisfied, and 11% are completely dissatisfied. Younger respondents and men were slightly more likely to say they were satisfied with their lives. Also, the higher the respondents rated their income, the more successful they considered their year to be.  
• At the same time, more than 40% of respondents often felt stressed this year. Another 29% were sometimes stressed, 22% were rarely or very rarely stressed, and only 7% were never stressed. People with lower incomes and women reported feeling stress more often.
• Interestingly, in 2021, Ukrainians felt love for others significantly more often than love for themselves. They also felt joy, sadness, and anger relatively often. Even less often, they felt surprise, and least often, fear.  
• In general, the more often people felt emotions of joy and love, the more successful they rated their year, the more satisfied they were with their lives, and the less stress they experienced.
• As it turned out, women are noticeably more emotional, and therefore they felt all emotions more often than men. Young people are also more emotional.
• Emotions of joy and self-love correlate most strongly with overall life satisfaction. Fear, sadness, and anger, on the other hand, correlate with stress and low ratings of the year's success.

Leisure activities

• The most popular leisure activities this year were watching films and TV series, as well as cooking favourite dishes. Reading or listening to books and visiting guests were also popular leisure activities.
• About 40% consumed alcohol relatively often (20% did not). A third engaged in physical training and fitness (the same number did not), while only 4% practised yoga, which was the least popular hobby among those surveyed. At the same time, a quarter often watched sports matches or competitions, and about 5% placed bets on sports.  
• About 40% of respondents played various games this year, most often on their phones, and slightly less often on computers and board games. Less than 5% played bowling or billiards.
• A third of respondents relatively often went shopping or went on nature trips and picnics. About 30% of respondents this year often or sometimes went to cafes, took up photography, or had cosmetic procedures. A quarter engaged in handicrafts and spiritual practices. A third visited church relatively often. One in ten was interested in personal development training.
• Despite the quarantine, Ukrainians went to restaurants relatively often this year – about 20%.
• Over the course of the year, one in ten went on tourist trips, travelled around Ukraine or went abroad.  
• This year, 12-15% went mushroom picking or berry picking, 11% went fishing, and 2% went hunting.  
• About 20% engaged in painting, 12% went dancing, singing, or played instruments.
• Ukrainians attended concerts, festivals, cinemas, and nightclubs much less frequently—less than 10%. About 5% visited theatres, museums, or exhibitions.  
• The higher the respondents' income, the more diverse their leisure activities and frequency. Young people are more likely to play games, engage in sports, and go to cafes and restaurants. At the same time, older people are more likely to read and go to church.
• In general, women were more active than men this year in cooking, cosmetic procedures, photography, handicrafts and creativity in general, as well as shopping. Women also watched films and TV series, engaged in music and spiritual practices, read books, and went to church relatively more often. At the same time, men watched sports matches and competitions, played computer games, went fishing, went hiking, bet on sports, and consumed alcohol more often.  
• Almost 60% of respondents harvested vegetables and fruits or made preserves this year. Even among the youngest, about half did so. And among those who live in private homes, the vast majority (about 80%) did so.

The survey results show that active leisure and hobbies throughout the year increase positive emotions and feelings of success. This is especially true for entertainment that was less accessible last year due to the pandemic: concerts, discos, and travel abroad.

• Hobbies such as photography, beauty treatments, dancing and music, going to the cinema have the most positive effect on self-love, while concerts and travelling around Ukraine have the most positive effect on love for others.  At the same time, games (computer or mobile), alcohol, watching TV series or sporting events correlate least with feelings of love for oneself and others.
• Interestingly, leisure activities outside the home have a greater impact on life satisfaction and happiness than similar activities at home: for example, going to the cinema brings more joy than simply watching films and TV series; restaurants, cafés and barbecues bring more joy than cooking; playing sports brings more joy than watching matches.  
• Creative hobbies at home, such as painting, handicrafts, and reading, bring more positive emotions than computer/mobile games, films, and TV series, which generally bring the least pleasure, sense of success, or love.
• Of all activities, attending church brought the least joy to respondents this year, and noticeably less than those who simply engaged in spiritual practices.
• Alcohol has a rather negative impact on positive emotions: those who consumed alcohol frequently experienced more anger and fear this year and less love for others. On the other hand, the more often people visited others this year, the more positive emotions they experienced.  
• Interestingly, while harvesting (mushrooms, fruit, potatoes) has a positive effect on success and satisfaction, the tradition of making preserves has the opposite effect: people who did this this year are significantly less satisfied with their lives. And while young people are actively involved in harvesting, it is mainly older people who make preserves.
• In general, those who were involved in any activities have a higher sense of success and positivity in 2021. Therefore, fishing, mushroom picking, spiritual practices, development training, shopping, books and hiking also brought mostly positive emotions to people this year.

• According to the results of a study by the Rating Group, Ukrainians' favourite New Year holidays are Christmas (49%) and New Year (37%). St. Nicholas Day was chosen by 6%, and Old New Year by 4%. None of these New Year holidays are liked by 2%.
• Over the past 10 years, the number of New Year's fans has been decreasing every year, while the number of Christmas fans has been increasing. As a result, this year the number of Christmas fans has exceeded that of New Year's fans.
• New Year celebrations are relatively more popular among residents of the east and south, young people and men. Christmas was chosen much more often in the west, by middle-aged and older people, women, as well as believers of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and Greek Catholics. These two holidays are equally popular among residents of the centre and Kyiv.
• Only 4% celebrate Christmas on 25 December itself, while the majority of respondents (71%) celebrate on 7 January. At the same time, 18% of Ukrainians celebrate Christmas twice (on 25 December and 7 January), and their number has increased slightly over the year. Residents of the west, Kyiv and Greek Catholics were more likely to mention double Christmas celebrations. Only 6% do not celebrate Christmas at all (most of them are young people and residents of the south and east).
• A quarter of respondents support the idea of moving Christmas celebrations from 7 January to 25 December. 58% of respondents oppose this idea. Another 15% said they were indifferent to this issue, and 1% were unable to answer.  
• Over the past five years, the number of those opposed to moving the date of Christmas celebrations has decreased (from 69% to 58%), while the number of supporters has increased slightly (from 15% to 26%).
• The idea of moving Christmas is most popular in the west and in Kyiv, where about 40% support it and almost as many oppose it. Middle-aged and older respondents, as well as Greek Catholics, are slightly more supportive of this initiative.

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group, the top three achievements of Ukraine in 2021, according to respondents, are the victory of boxer Oleksandr Usyk (35%), the success of Ukrainian Paralympians in Tokyo (32%) and the Great Construction programme (31%).
• About 20% also named the expansion of the DIA app services, mass vaccination, and the national football team's advancement to the quarter-finals of Euro 2020 as major victories.
• Another 15% chose the performance of Ukrainian athletes at the Summer Olympics and the implementation of the Ukrainian language service standard as major victories. 13-14% consider the adoption of the law ‘On Oligarchs’ and sanctions against Medvedchuk to be the main achievement, another 7-9% chose the launch of the land market and the open skies agreement with the EU, 4-5% - the ‘Crimean Platform’ and the success of ‘Go A’ at Eurovision. Only 2% said that there were no achievements this year.
• 14% responded that their sense of confidence in the future had improved over the past year, for 30% it had not changed, and for 53% it had worsened. According to the majority, the political and economic situation in Ukraine has deteriorated over the past year: 63% and 70% responded accordingly. About 20% believe that the situation has not changed, 12% believe that the political situation has improved, and 8% believe that the economic situation has improved.
• The financial situation of families remained unchanged for 40% over the year, worsened for 50%, and improved for only 9%. Despite sceptical responses, assessments of the political and economic situation improved slightly compared to December 2018. Residents of the capital and the youngest respondents are the most optimistic about changes in all these areas.
• Roads and digital technologies are the areas where Ukrainians have seen the most improvement over the past year. More than 60% of respondents noted an improvement in road conditions over the past year. Almost half of those surveyed noted positive developments in digital technologies in the public sector (DIYA app) (28% were unable to assess).
• Regarding Ukraine's international image, 20% saw an improvement (28% saw no change, 40% saw a deterioration), road safety – 19% (34% – no change, 41% – deterioration), quality of medical care – 17% (31% – no change, 45% – deterioration), quality of education – 12% (28% – no change, 40% – deterioration).
• About half of those surveyed saw no change over the year in the fight against corruption (37% noted a deterioration) and in resolving the war in Donbas (34% noted a deterioration).
• The majority also pointed to no change in areas such as the stability of the hryvnia exchange rate, freedom of speech and democracy.
• At the same time, most respondents felt that the situation with utility rates (80%) and prices for basic goods and medicines (90%) had worsened.
• About half of those surveyed saw a deterioration in the ability to find work (29% – no change, 11% – improvement) and in the quality of housing and utility services (37% – no change, 9% – improvement).
• If the presidential election were held in the near future, 24.2% would vote for Volodymyr Zelenskyi (among those who intend to vote and have made their choice).13.7% would support Petro Poroshenko, 9.6% – Yuliia Tymoshenko, 9.2% – Yurii Boiko, 6.9% – Yevhenii Murayev, 6.8% – Dmytro Razumkov, 6.7% – Ihor Smeshko, 6.2% – Volodymyr Groysman, 3.1% – Oleh Liashko. Support for other candidates is below 3%.
• The party ranking is led by the “Servant of the People” party, supported by 19.2% of those who intend to vote and have made their choice.14.1% would vote for “European Solidarity”, 11.1% – “Batkivshchyna”, 10.5% – “Opposition Platform – For Life”. “Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman” is supported by 6.8%, “Strength and Honor” – 6.5%, Razumkov’s party “Smart Politics” – 6.0%, Murayev’s party “Nashi” – 5.7%, the Radical Party – 4.2%, “UDAR of Vitali Klitschko” – 4.0%, VO “Svoboda” – 3.5%, Sharii’s Party – 2.6%, “Holos” – 2.2%. Support for other political forces is below 2%.
  

The survey was conducted by the Rating Sociological Group on behalf of the Centre for Analysis and Sociological Research of the International Republican Institute throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas) between 6 and 15 November 2021.

The methodology was based on personal interviews at the respondents' place of residence, with a total sample size of 2,400 residents aged 18 and older.  The results were weighted by region, age and gender distribution based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine as of 1 January 2019. The margin of error at a 95% confidence level does not exceed 2%. The reach coefficient is 53%.

The survey was conducted with financial support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).  

• According to a survey conducted by the Rating Group, 31% of Ukrainians believe that 2022 will be better than the previous year. Another third think that nothing will change, and the same number believe that next year will be worse than 2021. Last year, expectations were more optimistic: at that time, 52% expected 2021 to be better than 2020. In general, younger respondents (under 40) expect the coming year to be better, while older respondents think that nothing will change or that things will get worse.
• Overall, 67% of Ukrainians believe that the country is moving in the wrong direction, 24% believe it is moving in the right direction, and 9% are undecided.
• The most important problems facing the country are corruption (55%) and the war in Donbas (51%). Other issues include the economic crisis (32%), the incompetence of the authorities (31%), the coronavirus epidemic (27%), the influence of oligarchs on politics (24%) and poor-quality healthcare (24%).
• The trust rating among politicians is led by Volodymyr Zelenskyi, who is trusted by 38% of respondents, while 61% do not trust him. The next highest level of trust is observed for Volodymyr Groysman, trusted by 32%, with 60% not trusting him. Dmytro Razumkov is trusted by 30%, while 41% do not trust him and another quarter of respondents say they do not know him. Yuliia Tymoshenko is trusted by 25% and not trusted by 73%. Petro Poroshenko is trusted by 25% and not trusted by 75%. Yurii Boiko receives 22% trust, 61% distrust, and 15% say they do not know him.
• A majority of respondents support the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada and the Cabinet of Ministers: 63% and 58%, respectively. At the same time, support for the resignation and early election of the President is somewhat lower: 43% favor resignation, while 54% are opposed.
• A quarter of respondents consider the National Security and Defence Council to be a strong body, a third consider it weak, and another third consider it neither strong nor weak. Sixteen per cent consider the president to be strong, 40% consider him weak, and another 43% consider him neither strong nor weak. Eight percent consider the prime minister to be strong, 42% consider him to be weak, and another 42% consider him to be neither strong nor weak. Six percent consider parliament to be strong, 61% consider it to be weak, and another 31% consider it to be neither strong nor weak.  
• Fifteen per cent consider the opposition in parliament to be strong, 43% consider it to be weak, and another 35% consider it to be neither strong nor weak. Eleven per cent consider the coalition to be strong, 44% consider it to be weak, and another 33% consider it to be neither strong nor weak.
• The party ranking is led by Servant of the People, which is supported by 19.1% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. European Solidarity stands at 13.5%, Batkivshchyna at 11.2%, and Opposition Platform – For Life at 10.5%. The Strength and Honor party is supported by 7.3%, Razumkov’s Smart Politics by 6.2%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman by 6.0%, Murayev’s Nashi by 5.6%, the Radical Party by 4.2%, UDAR of Vitalii Klychko by 3.8%, Sharii’s Party by 3.4%, and Svoboda by 3.0%. Support for all other political forces is below 2%.
• In a hypothetical “Prime Minister election,” 14% of respondents would choose V. Groysman, 12% would choose Yu. Tymoshenko, 11% — Yu. Boiko, 10% — D. Razumkov, and 9% — A. Yatseniuk. Ye. Murayev would receive 7%, I. Smeshko and P. Poroshenko — 6% each, O. Liashko — 5%. The current Prime Minister D. Shmyhal would be chosen by 3%, and O. Honcharuk by 2%. Another 5% would choose a different candidate.
• At the same time, one-third of respondents believe that among recent prime ministers, V. Groysman would be the most capable of improving the current economic situation. One-quarter consider that Yu. Tymoshenko or A. Yatseniuk could do so; one in five holds this view regarding M. Azarov; and one in six regarding V. Yushchenko. V. Yanukovych, D. Shmyhal, and A. Kinakh are each chosen by 8%, Yu. Yekhanurov by 7%, and O. Honcharuk by 5%. 8% would not choose any of the candidates.

• The results of a survey conducted by the Rating Group between 10 and 12 December 2021 among Kyiv residents by telephone showed that the city's residents have a relatively positive assessment of the local situation. Thus, 46% believe that Kyiv is moving in the right direction, while the same number believe the opposite. Over the last quarter, the number of those who believe that the capital is moving in the right direction has increased.
• 51% of respondents trust Vitalii Klychko, while 48% do not. 39% trust V. Zelenskyi, and 59% do not. 33% trust P. Poroshenko, and 66% do not. 31% trust D. Razumkov, 44% do not trust him, and 19% say they do not know him. 31% trust S. Prytula, 49% do not trust him, 10% say they do not know him, and 10% were undecided.
• In the party rating for the city council, Vitalii Klychko’s UDAR leads with 19.1%. European Solidarity follows with 17.0%, Servant of the People with 13.3%, Razumkov’s Smart Politics with 9.4%, and Sergii Prytula’s party with 7.5%. Batkivshchyna stands at 5.4%, Strength and Honor at 4.9%, Opposition Platform – For Life at 4.8%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman at 3.7%, Sharii’s Party at 3.4%, and Svoboda at 3.2%. Support for all other political forces is below 3%.
• 65% support the idea of introducing district councils in Kyiv. 23% are against such an initiative.
• 59% are aware that a law is being prepared on the capital, which divides the powers of the mayor of Kyiv and the head of the Kyiv City State Administration (37% have heard a lot, 32% have heard something). 41% know nothing about it. 43% do not support this initiative, while 33% support it. Among those who are well informed about this idea, 65% do not support it.  
• 64% do not support the idea of the central government appointing someone other than the current mayor to the position of head of the Kyiv City State Administration, while 30% support it. Over the last quarter, the number of those opposed to this initiative has grown (in July, it was 54%).
• 62% of Kyiv residents believe that a conflict exists between President Zelenskyi and Kyiv Mayor Klychko. 24% do not think so, and 14% were undecided. Among those who consider the conflict between the President and the capital’s mayor to be real, 39% support Vitalii Klychko in this confrontation, 15% support Volodymyr Zelenskyi, and 45% support neither of them. 68% of these respondents believe that the confrontation is primarily driven by the President’s attempt to eliminate a political competitor. 23% think that the reason lies in Zelenskyi’s attempt to restore order in the capital.

• The results of a survey conducted by the Rating Sociological Group on 6-8 December 2021 show that two-thirds of respondents are superficially familiar with the content of the Minsk agreements, while a quarter are completely unaware of them. Only 11% of respondents said they were well acquainted with the essence of these agreements.
• Despite this, the majority (54%) believe that the Minsk agreements need to be revised and new ones signed. 21% believe that it is necessary to withdraw from the negotiation process altogether and make decisions without the participation of international mediators. Only 12% are convinced that Ukraine should fully implement the Minsk agreements.
• Among the options for the format of negotiations to resolve the conflict in Donbas, a relative majority (45%) support the idea of expanding the ‘Normandy’ format to include the United States and the United Kingdom. 21% are in favour of direct negotiations with Russia, 12% are in favour of negotiations with representatives of the so-called DPR and LPR. Only 11% are in favour of the ‘Normandy’ format in its usual composition (Ukraine, Russia, France, Germany) being the platform for negotiations on the settlement of the conflict in Donbas.
• 56% are in favour of direct negotiations with Russia (as the only option), while 41% are against.
• 46% support the involvement of Turkey in negotiations to resolve the conflict in Donbas, while the same number are against.
• Over the past two years, the number of supporters of the idea of introducing visas with the Russian Federation has grown: today, 52% support this idea, while 44% oppose it.
• Respondents consider Canada, Lithuania, Poland, and the United Kingdom, as well as the United States and Turkey, to be Ukraine's greatest allies. Slightly fewer consider France, Germany and China to be allies, with the latter being considered more of a neutral country.
• Ukrainians mostly consider Belarus to be a hostile country towards Ukraine, with the number of such respondents more than doubling over the past year (from 22% to 48%). The majority of respondents (72%) consider Russia to be a hostile country, with only 12% considering it an ally.
• Over the past year, attitudes towards Turkey and the United Kingdom have improved significantly, while attitudes towards Belarus have deteriorated.
• If a presidential election were held in the near future, 23.5% would vote for V. Zelenskyi (among those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice). 13.4% would support P. Poroshenko, 9.9% — Yu. Tymoshenko, 9.3% — Yu. Boiko, 7.5% — D. Razumkov, 6.7% — I. Smeshko, 6.5% — Ye. Murayev, 5.5% — V. Groysman, 3.2% — O. Liashko, and 3.1% — A. Yatseniuk. Support for other candidates is below 3%.
• The anti-rating is led by P. Poroshenko, with 47% saying they would not vote for him under any circumstances. 37% would not vote for Yu. Tymoshenko, 35% — for Yu. Boiko, 33% — for V. Zelenskyi, and 22% — for O. Liashko. Every sixth to seventh respondent would not vote under any circumstances for A. Yatseniuk, V. Klychko, Ye. Murayev, V. Groysman, or O. Tyahnybok.
• The party ranking is led by Servant of the People, which is supported by 18.0% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. European Solidarity stands at 13.7%, Opposition Platform – For Life at 11.4%, and Batkivshchyna at 11.4%. Razumkov’s Smart Politics is supported by 7.5%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman by 6.2%, Strength and Honor by 6.0%, Murayev’s Nashi by 5.2%, UDAR of Vitalii Klychko by 4.2%, the Radical Party by 4.0%, Sharii’s Party by 3.1%, and Svoboda by 3.0%. Support for all other political forces is below 3%.
• Fourteen percent of respondents heard (saw) the President's annual address to the Verkhovna Rada on 1 December in its entirety. Thirty-four percent heard (saw) selected excerpts. Fifty-two percent knew nothing about it.
• At the same time, respondents are much better informed about the initiative to introduce an economic passport for Ukrainians (32% are well aware of the idea, 40% have heard something about it, and 28% know nothing about this initiative). At the same time, the majority (53%) have a positive attitude towards this initiative, 28% are neutral, and 16% are negative. Among those who are well informed about the initiative, support stands at 62%, while a quarter do not support it.
• As in previous surveys, about half of those polled (47%) support the idea of introducing dual citizenship in Ukraine. Approximately the same number (50%) oppose it.

• The results of a survey conducted by the Rating Sociological Group in early December showed that 70% of Ukrainians believe that the country is moving in the wrong direction, 22% believe it is moving in the right direction, and 8% are undecided.
• The most likely outcomes are considered to be an increase in gas and heating tariffs (72%) and an exacerbation of the economic crisis (67%). Almost half of those surveyed expect an increase in coronavirus cases (one in five considers this unlikely). Forty-six per cent consider an escalation of the war in the east to be likely (23% consider it unlikely), while 44% expect mass protests and riots (30% consider them unlikely). The least likely events are considered to be Ukraine's involvement in the migration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border (35%) and mass power cuts for the population (32%). Over the past year and a half, expectations of mass riots and protests, as well as an escalation of the war, have increased slightly.
• The main reasons why an economic crisis could occur in Ukraine are the incompetence of the authorities (31%) and corruption in the government (22%). The war in Donbas was cited as the cause of the crisis by 16%, the coronavirus by 13%, global influence by only 8% and the energy crisis by 5%. Older respondents were more likely to mention incompetence and corruption, while younger respondents were more likely to mention the impact of the war and the virus.
• Forty per cent are well informed that the energy crisis could lead to rolling blackouts, almost as many have heard something about it, and about 20% know nothing about it.
• At the same time, 50% believe that Ukraine can avoid power and heating cuts, 39% do not believe so, and another 12% were unable to answer. People are more likely to disbelieve in the possibility of preventing cuts in the east: 40% believe so, 48% do not.  
• According to the population, the President and the Cabinet of Ministers bear the greatest responsibility for fair tariffs – 27% and 24%, respectively. At the same time, in terms of dynamics, the responsibility of the Government is decreasing, while that of the President is increasing. Another 15% place the responsibility on the Verkhovna Rada, 12% on supplier companies, and 10% on local authorities.  
• Older people and residents of the east place the most responsibility for tariffs on the President, while young people are more likely to place responsibility on the Verkhovna Rada. The Cabinet of Ministers and local authorities are considered responsible in the south and east, while service providers are considered responsible in the west.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Sociological Group “Rating,” 68% of citizens stated that they are well aware that the Holodomor Remembrance Day is marked on the last Saturday of November in Ukraine. Another 24% said they had heard something about it, while 8% did not know about it at all. Awareness is higher among residents of the West, older respondents, and voters of the parties Svoboda, Batkivshchyna, European Solidarity, Strength and Honor, and Ukrainian Strategy.
• 85% agreed with the statement that the Holodomor of 1932–1933 was a genocide of the Ukrainian people, while 13% disagreed. The latter group is most numerous in the East and South (every fourth to fifth respondent in these macro-regions), as well as among voters of the Opposition Platform – For Life, Murayev’s Nashi, and Sharii’s party.
• Respondents most often consider Joseph Stalin personally responsible for organizing the Holodomor — 44% (in 2018 — 47%, in 2008 — 43%) — and the central leadership of the USSR — 41% (2018 — 39%, 2008 — 38%). Another 17% (2018 — 28%, 2008 — 23%) place responsibility on the repressive bodies of the USSR (NKVD, GPU), and 12% (2018 — 23%, 2008 — 17%) on the highest leadership of Soviet Ukraine. Only 3% stated that Ukrainian peasants (kulaks) who refused to voluntarily surrender their harvest were to blame. 10% believe that the Holodomor was caused by natural factors (2018 — 5%, 2008 — 11%). Residents of the western and central regions more frequently mentioned the personal guilt of Stalin and the Soviet leadership. Meanwhile, natural explanations were more common in the South and East. The belief in natural causes is most widespread among those who deny the genocide.
• In recent years, support for holding a trial of those responsible for the Holodomor of 1932–33 has increased: 37% in 2008, 48% in 2018, and 61% in 2021. Support has also risen for the initiative to provide compensation to the victims of the genocide and their families: 46% in 2008, 63% in 2018, and 78% in 2021. The idea of holding a trial enjoys greater support in the West and Center. By contrast, support for providing compensation to families affected by the Holodomor is relatively uniform across all regions.
• The share of those who believe that Russia should pay compensation to Ukrainian citizens affected by the Holodomor and to their families has increased from 31% to 43% (2018 — 31%, 2021 — 43%). The number of respondents who believe that financial responsibility should lie with the Ukrainian state has also grown (2018 — 10%, 2021 — 18%), as well as those who believe the United Nations should bear this responsibility (2018 — 12%, 2021 — 17%). The view that Russia should pay compensation is most common in the West, among older respondents, and supporters of European Solidarity and Svoboda. Meanwhile, in the South and East, respondents attribute potential financial responsibility both to Russia, the UN, and the Ukrainian state. Every fourth to fifth respondent in the southeastern regions was undecided on this question.

• The results of a survey conducted by the Sociological Group “Rating” on 10–13 November 2021 show that 23% of respondents believe the country is moving in the right direction, while 69% consider it to be moving in the wrong direction, and 8% were unable to answer. Over the past two months, the share of those who believe the country is developing in the wrong direction has increased (in early September it was 58%). The proportion of those who view the direction of the country’s development as correct is relatively higher among young people and voters of the Servant of the People party.
• The trust rating among politicians is led by Volodymyr Zelenskyi, who is trusted by 38% of respondents, while 59% do not trust him. Yuliia Tymoshenko is trusted by 27% and not trusted by 71%. Petro Poroshenko is trusted by 25% and not trusted by 73%. Yurii Boiko is trusted by 24%, not trusted by 59%, and 12% say they do not know him.
• If a presidential election were held in the near future, 23.1% would vote for V. Zelenskyi (among those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice). 13.3% would support P. Poroshenko, 10.7% — Yu. Tymoshenko, 9.2% — Yu. Boiko, 8.3% — D. Razumkov, 7.0% — Ye. Murayev, 6.9% — I. Smeshko, 6.1% — V. Groysman, and 3.3% — O. Liashko. Support for other candidates is below 3%.
• The anti-rating is led by P. Poroshenko, with 44% saying they would not vote for him under any circumstances. 35% would not vote for Yu. Boiko, 34% — for Yu. Tymoshenko, 32% — for V. Zelenskyi, 26% — for A. Yatseniuk, 22% — for O. Liashko, and 21% — for V. Klychko. Every sixth to seventh respondent would not vote under any circumstances for Ye. Murayev or V. Groysman.
• Second-round presidential election modelling produced the following results. President Zelenskyi wins in all hypothetical pairings with his closest opponents. In a Zelenskyi–Poroshenko matchup, the result is 59% vs. 41% (among those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice). In a Zelenskyi–Tymoshenko matchup, the result is also 59% vs. 41%, and in a Zelenskyi–Boiko pairing, 62% vs. 38%.
• The party ranking is led by the Servant of the People party, supported by 18.0% of those who intend to vote and have decided on their choice. European Solidarity stands at 13.9%, Opposition Platform – For Life at 10.7%, and Batkivshchyna at 10.1%. Support for other political forces is somewhat lower: Razumkov’s “Smart Politics” — 7.9%, Strength and Honor — 6.4%, Murayev’s “Nashi” — 5.5%, Ukrainian Strategy of Groysman — 5.0%, the Radical Party — 4.5%, UDAR of Vitalii Klychko — 3.7%, Sharii’s Party — 3.1%, and Svoboda — 2.1%. Support for all other political forces is below 2%.

• According to the results of a survey conducted by the Sociological Group “Rating” on 10–13 November 2021, 46% of respondents stated that they had already been vaccinated (first or second dose). 16% said they were ready to be vaccinated, while 36% were not ready. It is important to note that the survey was conducted only among the adult population of Ukraine, whereas official vaccination statistics are calculated for the entire population. Over the past month, the share of those who had received a vaccine increased (from 36% to 46%). The proportion of those unwilling to be vaccinated is relatively higher among young respondents.
• 55% support mandatory vaccination for representatives of certain sectors (teachers, medical workers, civil servants), while 35% oppose it. Nearly 40% support banning access to public venues without a COVID certificate or test, while 53% oppose such a measure. Almost 30% support banning unvaccinated individuals from using public transport, while 65% do not support it.
• Overall, mandatory vaccination for certain groups, as well as allowing access to public places only with a COVID certificate or test, is more widely supported by older respondents, residents of Kyiv and the Central region, and those who are vaccinated or generally supportive of vaccination.
• Nearly three-quarters of respondents (71%) consider restrictions on unvaccinated individuals to be a violation of rights, while 26% hold the opposite view. The highest share of those who do not view such restrictions as a violation is found in Kyiv, among the oldest respondents, and among those already vaccinated. At the same time, 49% do not support politicians who refuse vaccination. 35% are indifferent, and 14% support such politicians. Opponents of anti-vaccination politicians are most numerous in the capital, among older people, and among those who are already vaccinated or intend to get vaccinated.
• Two-thirds of respondents (61%) believe that Ukraine is capable of developing its own COVID vaccine, while 37% do not believe so. Optimism regarding Ukraine’s capacity to develop a vaccine is highest among the oldest respondents.
• 40% of respondents believe that no one is to blame for the rise in COVID cases. However, 21% blame people who refused vaccination. 15% blame the Ministry of Health. 7–8% consider the President or the Cabinet of Ministers responsible, and 2% blame local authorities. Belief in natural or spontaneous reasons for the rise in cases is more common among those unwilling to be vaccinated. Conversely, vaccinated individuals and those intending to be vaccinated more often blame the rise in infections on those who refuse to get vaccinated.